Andriy Parubiy’s Fascist Crimes
- The Left Chapter

- Sep 7
- 8 min read
Updated: Sep 8

Image from the funeral of Parubiy via news video screenshot
By Susann Witt-Stahl. junge Welt, 6 September 2025. Translation and notes by Helmut-Harry Loewen. [1]
It was with great nationalistic pathos that the former president of the Ukrainian parliament was buried on Tuesday at the Lychakiv Cemetery in Lviv. The perpetrator has already confessed to this murder. Politicians from the Western world, including German politicians from the Christian Democratic Union and the Greens, mourn the loss of Andriy Parubiy as a statesman and worthy champion of the European idea and democracy in Ukraine. When Parubiy's sinister past is mentioned at all — for example, his role as leader of the paramilitary neo-Nazi organization Patriot of Ukraine, from which the Azov militia emerged in 2014 (which itself was soon after integrated into the National Guard as a regiment) — it is always in connection with the politician's supposed moderation and disavowal of right-wing extremism after the days of fighting on the Maidan.
In reality, Parubiy expressed his admiration for Adolf Hitler on a TV show in 2018 and agitated for war against Russia. Independent US researcher Moss Robeson even considers him the “secret godfather of the Banderists' anti-peace movement.” [2] Parubiy was the first to announce the “resistance movement against capitulation” even before the 2019 parliamentary elections, a reaction to Zelensky's promise to negotiate a stable peace with Moscow. In 2020, Parubiy demanded in a speech to supporters: “We must bring closer the day when we drive Zelensky out of office.”
The seventh commandment
The leadership of the “resistance movement” was recruited from the Bandera wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), including long-time close associates of Parubiy such as Andriy Levus. On his Bandera Lobby blog, Robeson refers to photos on social media showing Parubiy in the recent past with representatives of the Bandera movement's top leadership, for example in New York City in 2019; in 2021, he attended a conference of an OUN-B think tank there. In 2024, Parubiy commemorated his suddenly deceased “friend” Stefan Romaniv, the Australia-based leader of the OUN-B worldwide. The OUN-B's obituary for Parubiy also expresses a deep connection, making it clear that he was not merely a Nazi poseur. Parubiy did not “deviate from his uncompromising path as a Ukrainian nationalist until his last breath,” the OUN-B assures us. He always lived in “zealous” adherence to the OUN's “Decalogue,” according to the statement published on the day of his death, which ends with the fifth commandment: “Avenge the death of the great knights!” Parubiy apparently acted particularly consistently in accordance with the seventh commandment — “Thou shalt not hesitate to commit the greatest crime if the cause demands it,” as the original 1929 version reads — in his role as a key figure in two massacres in 2014 that continue to shape the world to this day.
Vasyl Polischuk reported last week: “We have long known that Parubiy personally came to the Maidan checkpoints near Odessa on April 29, distributed class five bulletproof vests to the people, and instructed them to carry out the pogrom in the trade union building,” Polischuk was a city council member in Odessa at the time and an eyewitness to the atrocities of May 2, 2014. [3] After he demanded an investigation, his son was beaten on the street by three unknown assailants with metal bars and suffered a fractured skull. The family was forced to flee from Ukraine.
Canadian political scientist Ivan Katchanovsky (University of Ottawa) underscored Polischuk's accusations a few days ago. He emphasized that Parubiy, then head of Ukraine's National Security and Defence Council, had traveled from Kyiv to Odessa with about 500 Maidan street fighters on the eve of the incident and explicitly ordered the homicidal rampage. For Katchanovsky, this is just one of many indications that the fascist hunt for Maidan opponents in those days was “orchestrated by high-ranking government officials,” as he explains in a study on “right-wing extremist political violence in Ukraine” published in 2024. [4]
Massacre on the Maidan
“He ordered everything to be knocked down, destroyed, and burned,” Zesari Badjalidze testifies in the 2018 documentary “The Square of Broken Hopes” by Israeli film journalist Anna Stephan. [5] Badjalidze was part of a group of Georgian snipers who were supposed to support the fascists in Odessa. When the anti-Maidan demonstrators had to flee to the trade union building, Parubiy's “bloodlust only grew,” according to Badjalidze. Although increasingly desperate cries for help could be heard from the burning building, Parubiy ordered the fire department's trucks to be blocked so that the trapped people could not escape.
Prior to this, Parubiy had already been one of the masterminds behind the massacre on Maidan Square on February 20, 2014, which left dozens dead. During the false flag operation, snipers fired deliberately at demonstrators, police officers, and journalists from surrounding buildings, including the Hotel Ukraine. The hard core of the sniper commando is said to have consisted of around 50 Georgians, including Badzhalidze, who had been recruited as mercenaries by Mamuka Mamulashvili, a confidant of President Mikheil Saakashvili, who had recently left office, and who later was a commander of the Georgian Legion of Ukraine.
Witnesses eliminated
“Andriy Parubiy personally picked up the snipers from Boryspil Airport in Kyiv and drove them to a conspirators’ safe house,” said Tristan Zitelashvili in an interview conducted by junge Welt in Tbilisi in December 2024. Zitelashvili added that they were prepared for their mission at the Krtsanisi military training center near the Georgian capital, which is also used by the US Army. The retired major general had been the superior of one of the mercenaries when he was still serving as an officer in the Georgian army, and was himself on the Maidan to observe the situation as a military expert. When, after the successful coup in Kyiv, at least six of the Georgian Maidan snipers, who had since gone into hiding in Macedonia and other Eastern European countries, were murdered in order to get rid of potential witnesses, the mercenary Zitelashvili, whom he knew, is said to have asked for help. Zitelashvili then organized a secret meeting between some of the Georgians who were still alive and selected representatives of the international press. By going public in the media, these Maidan snipers were able to prove many things that had previously been dismissed as “tall tales” to be historical facts.
In his study “The Maidan Massacre in Ukraine,” Katchanovsky presented witnesses, including some from Parubiy's circle, who testified that, in his capacity as Maidan commander, he had already ordered “bloodshed” for the large demonstration on February 18, which had been announced as peaceful. Parubiy (as well as the later Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko) had ordered the sniper attack two days later because the Maidan movement urgently needed “sacred victims” in order to come to power. Katchanovsky also has evidence that, around six weeks after the deadly escalation of the riots, Parubiy helped killers from the Right Sector hide their weapons in music cases so that investigators could not confiscate them.
To this day, eyewitnesses and the few researchers and investigative journalists who have investigated the crimes of Parubiy and his accomplices are defamed as “Kremlin propagandists.” Ivan Katchanovsky has repeatedly criticized the conspicuous refusal of Western media to investigate, despite the availability of “explosive confessions.” There are even cases of disinformation. In 2021, for example, the German ARD television network’s “Faktenfinder” program attempted to undermine the credibility of the Georgian snipers who had testified against Parubiy and other instigators of the fascist frenzy of 2014 — for example, by claiming that one of them had actually been in prison during the Maidan massacre. “Fake news,” Katchanovsky retorted. False claims, lies, and cover-ups are found in alarming numbers in mainstream media reports about the events of that time and their fatal consequences, often originating from front organizations of the international Bandera lobby.
Background: Media requiem for Parubiy
Der Spiegel paid tribute to Andriy Parubiy under the headline “Eulogies for a Revolutionary,” framing him as a reformed right-wing politician. “There are political careers that begin on the margins of society and end at its centre.” The lengthy requiem quotes Parubiy's friends, who characterize him as a statesman who “did not seek conflict, but compromise.” Der Spiegel interprets Parubiy's rabid hatred of Russians as outstanding predictive ability. "For Parubiy, Russia was Carthage, which had to be defeated in order to liberate Ukraine. He said this when it still sounded absurd to many Ukrainians. Today, most people talk that way.“ According to Der Spiegel, Parubiy's role on the Maidan, when violence escalated ”on both sides,“ has ”never been fully clarified“ (Odessa is not mentioned at all). The magazine quotes one of his comrades-in-arms as saying what is apparently much more important and ultimately counts: ”Belarus and Georgia were unsuccessful because they didn't have a Parubiy."
Under the motto “Whatever pleases the West is allowed,” the whitewashing of this staunch Nazi and murderer forms the basic tenor of German media coverage, which has been largely taken over by Reuters, German Press Agency (dpa), and the like. The Berlin daily Tageszeitung considers Parubiy a “professional politician and professional revolutionary,” at one time “radically nationalistic,” but at heart a good patriot: “The commitment to an independent Ukraine runs like a red thread through Parubiy's life.” He was considered “one of the leading figures in the major pro-European movements in recent Ukrainian history,” according to Stern magazine. Die Zeit portrays Parubiy and the cutthroat gangs of the Right Sector and other fascist groups under his command as victims of state aggression: “Parubiy commanded defence groups during the Maidan protests, which were bloodily suppressed.”
Consequently, the German media establishment almost unanimously suspects the murderer of the “critic of Russia” and his motives point in one direction, although Parubiy had countless enemies and rivals and knew far too much. The “Russian trail” persists in newspaper reports — even after the perpetrator was apprehended, vehemently denied any connections to “Putin's secret services,” and given that there is still no evidence to refute his statements. Deutsche Welle has already had the crime classified by “experts” — including former employees of Ukraine's fascist-infiltrated security service — as “part of Russia's hybrid warfare.”
Notes:
[1] Link to the original German article: Faschisten in der Ukraine • Der Killerpate. Andrij Parubij hat ein weltbewegendes Kapitel faschistischer Kriminalgeschichte geschrieben. Seine Verbrechen sind aber bis heute nicht aufgearbeitet. [Fascists in Ukraine • The Killer Godfather: Andriy Parubiy has written an earth-shattering chapter in fascist criminal history, but his crimes have still not been dealt with to this day.] Susann Witt-Stahl, junge Welt, 6. September 2025.
https://www.jungewelt.de/artikel/507733.faschisten-in-der-ukraine-der-killerpate.html The translator has modified the title of this article.
[2] For Moss Robeson’s research, consult his Bandera Lobby Blog (https://banderalobby.substack.com), Azov Lobby Blog (https://azovlobby.substack.com/?fbclid=IwY2xjawLAA3lleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETF0bFBwNUNFR2lzZmwxbXhwAR406CNtFDSIdrjKBHN4ea-w7Vh-zYEW-cCLs83LHMrHgZ6vSLbBhZTvwQeOww_aem_9BpcUIfKLFrqg5WwK5zTPA), and his other series on “Victims of Communism” and “Ukes, Kooks, & Spooks” ( https://linktr.ee/mossrobeson).
Robeson was a keynote speaker at the October 2023 conference in Berlin on “Ukrainian Fascism – History, Function, Networks” organized by junge Welt and the cultural journal Melodie & Rhythmus. Nine conference videos can be accessed here: (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rx6L3WmDld4&list=PLQSJ1m4IoIwy0PJXDGEY5OSdJJ4JxYBge)
Witt-Stahl briefly discusses Robeson’s research in an interview about her edited collection, ‘Der Bandera-Komplex: Der ukrainische Faschismus – Geschichte, Funktion, Netzwerke’ (Berlin: Verlag 8. Mai, 2024: 352 pages). Interview by Arnold Schölzel, junge Welt, 19 Oct 2024. Translation by Helmut-Harry Loewen: “Ukrainian fascism: ‘This Fascism was Inspired by Nazism,’” The Left Chapter, Toronto, October 20, 2024.
Witt-Stahl will be speaking on the Bandera Complex on 9 September in Kiel at a peace event organized by the Deutsche Friedensgesellschaft, Germany’s longest standing anti-war organization (established 1892).
Synopsis: “The Ukraine conflict is creating highly dangerous political “constraints.” Since the fall of the Yanukovych government in 2014, Banderists and other fascists have formed the backbone of the Ukrainian military and security apparatus. They are being armed to the teeth as a war elite and serving as legionnaires of the Western “community of values” in a proxy war against Russia.
“There are clear continuities in this diabolical pact with the political descendants of former Hitler collaborators. It is ideologically embellished or obscured by the politics and media of “defensive democracy.” This activity by a war-ready Germany with a (revived) “drive to the East” is accompanied by an increasingly state-compliant anti-fascism. Fascism is reduced to the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), and people look the other way when (pro-)Ukrainian Nazis march on German streets.”
[4] Ivan Katchanovski, The Maidan Massacre in Ukraine: The Mass Killing that Changed the World (Springer, 2024 – OPEN ACCESS): https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-67121-0
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Photos:

Andriy Parubiy as “Maidan” commander with “self-defence groups” in front of the Prosecutor General's Office building in Kyiv (February 14, 2014); published in jW.

As Witt-Stahl notes in the article, Der Spiegel magazine paid tribute to Parubiy in its “Eulogies for a Revolutionary.” (screenshot)

Poster for Witt-Stahl’s presentation in Kiel for the Deutsche Friedensgesellschaft, the German anti-war organization founded in 1892. (screenshot)







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