Further resolutions from the 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)
- The Left Chapter
- Apr 9
- 24 min read
The sessions of the CPI(M) Congress in Madurai continued March 4 & 5 dealing with issues including solidarity with Cuba, violence against women and children, LGBTQI+ rights, Jammu & Kashmir, agriculture, privitisation and others.
A cultural celebration at the Congress -- image via video screenshot
A press release from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) indicates that 13 resolutions were adopted at the party's Congress held in Madurai April 3-5. This is in addition to the 5 initial resolutions adopted.
The Congress also elected M.A Baby as the party's new General Secretary.
This 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemns the passage of the 'Waqf Amendment Bill' by Parliament. This legislation is an assault on the Constitution and the rights of minorities. The CPI(M) calls upon all secular people and organisations of the country to protest against this Act which will only increase communal polarization and damage the secular fabric of the nation.
The earlier Waqf Act was a legal framework governing Waqf properties (Islamic endowments) and ensuring their proper administration, protection and utilization for religious and charitable purposes. It provided guidelines for the regulation of Waqf properties, preventing their misuse and unauthorized sale.
The amended Act makes significant changes which will undermine the foundational principles laid out in the earlier Act. Through this amendment the BJP Government is pushing its Hindutva agenda, aiming to divide people.
It has been repeatedly claiming that the earlier Act has been used for extensive land grab by Muslims.
Despite Islamic injunctions prohibiting non-Muslims from managing Waqf properties, the amended Act includes non-Muslims in Waqf Boards. This is an attack on the Constitutional right of the Muslims to practice their religion.
By making it mandatory that only a Muslim who can prove that he/she has followed the religion for at least five years, the amended Act is opening the way for harassment of Muslims and can actually prevent them from creating or contributing to Waqf properties. Many non-Muslims also contribute to the building of Mosques etc. and this expression of brotherhood and fraternity will no longer be possible under the amended Act.
By abolishing Section 40 of the Waqf Act, the Waqf Board will lose its authority to determine the nature of Waqf properties. Waqf properties primarily fall into four categories: Waqf by Deed (documented), Waqf by Oral Declaration (verbally declared), Waqf by Use (established through prolonged usage), and government-granted lands. Under the new amendments, the majority of Waqf properties in the country-those declared orally or through usage-will become vulnerable to government takeover.
States with the largest Waqf holdings, such as Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Kerala, will face targeted appropriation of these assets through the proposed amendments.
By transferring the authority to determine Waqf properties from the Survey Commissioner to government-appointed revenue officials, the government aims to seize places of worship, educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and vocational centres, thereby consolidating control over Waqf assets.
The new mandate requiring the registration of thousands of Waqf properties historically established through long-term usage exposes the government's covert agenda to confiscate them.
By stripping the Waqf Tribunal of its powers, the Waqf Board itself will be alienated from the community it serves.
Through these amendments, the Central Government is advancing its agenda of eradicating the rights of Muslims, mirroring the exclusionary intent of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).
To safeguard the secular and democratic fabric of the nation, all secular and democratic-minded citizens must unite to demand the withdrawal of this divisive Waqf Amendment Act.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses its deep solidarity with Cuba in these most difficult times. Socialist Cuba represents the hope and the example that it is possible to confront the might of imperialism and fight for the construction of a better world.
The US always considered the whole of Latin America as its backyard, and cannot tolerate even the slightest assertion of sovereignty by any country.
Ever since the Cuban Revolution declared itself to be socialist, the US has been trying hard to break the spirit of the Cuban people and ensure the country's collapse.
Since 1962, Cuba has been subjected to a genocidal economic blockade by the US. The intention is to economically suffocate the Island. The blockade has resulted in Rs 1,29,69,717.04 crore losses for the Cuban people and hindered their productive processes.
In spite of such huge losses to their economy, Cuba ensures that every Cuban gets free education, free healthcare and excels in sports, arts and such other cultural fields of their choice. Cuba sends its medical doctors and nurses to any country in the world, which faces natural calamities or pandemics. This is Cuba's commitment towards internationalism and concern for humankind, extending its hand of friendship even when it itself is suffering.
Due to the illegal economic blockade, Cuba has been going through a critical situation. The US is ignoring the nearly 31 resolutions passed by the UN General Assembly condemning the US imposed economic blockade. On the other hand, the US is carrying out its attacks on Cuba. It spends millions of dollars every year to fund terrorist and anti-Cuba forces.
Due to the blockade, Cuba experienced prolonged interruptions in the supply of electricity. Cuban people are facing a shortage of raw materials for the production of medicines. The screws of the economic blockade are being tightened to strangulate Cuba, by denying it access to food, fuel and raw materials.
In addition, Cuba is arbitrarily included in the spurious list of State Sponsors of Terrorism, one of the many unilateral coercive measures applied as part of the economic war against countries that refuse to bow down to the dictates of the US.
Cubans are bravely resisting all such attempts to subjugate them. They are heroically defending their country. Now it is the time for the world to stand in solidarity with Cuba and help it overcome the imperialist-created crisis. Being with Cuba is joining the struggle against imperialism and in defence of socialism.
The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) resolves to stand in solidarity with Cuba and join the call of the National Committee for Solidarity with Cuba for mobilising the maximum financial assistance, before August 13, 2025, the birth centenary of Comrade Fidel Castro. All the members of our Party and class and mass organisations must be approached and asked to contribute any amount from Rs 10 to a day's wage, if not more. We have to approach people and seek financial assistance so that we could buy medicines and generators for Cuba. This is part of our anti-imperialist task.
The unconstitutional and disastrous decisions of August 5, 2019 - nullifying Articles 370 and 35A - along with a series of arbitrary legislations and humiliating actions, have dismembered and downgraded the historic state of Jammu & Kashmir. The snatching away of statehood and bifurcation of the state into two Union Territories has created a deep political void and intensified the sense of uncertainty and alienation among its people.
Civil liberties, human rights, and democratic freedoms continue to be eroded. Arbitrary arrests under draconian laws like the UAPA and PSA have become a disturbing norm. Hundreds of political activists and journalists remain incarcerated inside and outside Jammu & Kashmir. Youth are being denied job opportunities under the pretext of security verification, while passports are withheld on flimsy grounds.
Jammu and Kashmir was enjoying special rights of protection of land and jobs since Maharaja Hari Singh's rule when non-residents of this region were not allowed to purchase land and get jobs. There are numerous provisions of this nature which give such rights to the people in certain other states as well. But these protections for land and employment for permanent residents of J&K were arbitrarily stripped away, exacerbating insecurity among the populace.
The state's economy continues to deteriorate, with the grand promises of development, investment, and job creation proving hollow. Daily-wage workers face irregular payments, and key sectors such as agriculture, horticulture, handicrafts, and transport are in deep crisis. Apple growers, in particular, are grappling with mounting challenges. There remains a lack of legal guarantees like Minimum Support Price (MSP).
Since August 2019, executive orders, such as changes to domicile laws, restrictions on media, and the intimidation of government employees, have become commonplace. Despite these oppressive measures, the recent Assembly elections held after a gap of seven years saw a significant turnout, with people participating in large numbers. The BJP's attempts to polarize the state along communal and regional lines, and to manipulate the outcome using money power and proxies, failed. The people have clearly rejected the BJP-led government's policies and have delivered a verdict against its unconstitutional assault on J&K on August 5, 2019, as well as the ruthless suppression that followed.
Yet, instead of respecting this democratic verdict, the BJP-led Central Government continues to undermine it. Despite commitments made by the Government of India, both in Parliament and in the Supreme Court, regarding the restoration of statehood, the BJP and its appointed Lieutenant Governor are obstructing the functioning of the Omar Abdulla government. The recent large number of transfers of J&K cadre officials have further fuelled anxiety and undermined the authority of the elected legislature.
Hence the 24th Party Congress demands:
Immediate granting of full statehood to Jammu & Kashmir as a step towards restoration of special status.
Protection of Land and Job rights.
Restoration of democratic, civil, and trade union rights.
Release of political detenues and journalists and ensuring freedom of the press.
End to indiscriminate arrests of youth on baseless charges.
We appeal to all secular and democratic forces to stand in defence of the legitimate and constitutional rights of the people of Jammu & Kashmir.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) is deeply concerned about the draft "National Policy Framework on Agricultural Marketing (NPFAM)", circulated by the Union Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers' Welfare. This draft reveals the conspiracy of the RSS-BJP-led Union government to sacrifice farmers' interests and maximise corporate profits.
It is a subterfuge to smuggle in the three hated and repealed Farm Laws through the back door.
Instead of addressing any of the serious demands raised by the fighting farmers' movement like legalising a remunerative MSP, loan waiver, comprehensive crop insurance, increasing public investment in agriculture, pro-farmer credit facilities etc, the central government has brought in this retrograde Draft. While the draft pays lip service to the fact that agricultural marketing is a State subject under Article 246 of the Constitution, the spirit of the draft is to attack federalism and the power of the state governments, abolish state-supported market infrastructure, and erode the role of the APMCs, leaving small and medium farmers highly vulnerable to the exploitation by private trading cartels.
The major suggested reforms in the draft include the establishment of private wholesale markets, direct farm gate purchases by corporate processors and exporters, replacement of traditional market yards with corporate-controlled warehouses and silos, and introduction of a unified statewide market fee and trading license system. The draft proposes that big corporations can purchase produce directly from farmers, bypassing APMC market yards. Big business houses, including Reliance and Adani, have already constructed extensive warehouse infrastructure and private railway networks in Sirsa, Haryana and Ludhiana, Punjab.
The corporate lobby and International Finance Capital (IFC) are virulently against MSP because their strategy has always been to procure agricultural produce at the cheapest rate, do value addition, brand and market it, and make exorbitant profits. This way, Big Business is exploiting both farmers as well as consumers. In the name of market efficiency, the Centre is creating a conducive atmosphere for the corporate loot of agriculture. It is thus perpetuating peasant suicides and indebtedness, and facilitating pauperisation of the peasantry.
The draft is crystal clear on the need for corporatisation of agriculture; it is seen as the only way to "reform" agriculture. For instance, the draft visualises the much-hyped FPO scheme, a pet project of Modi, as a tool for furthering corporate penetration. This is by creating a conducive atmosphere for cluster-based FPOs to enter contract farming arrangements with big business houses operating in agriculture. The class interest behind the great eagerness shown by corporate groups like CII and FICCI in promoting the FPO scheme is very clear.
The stranglehold of big business houses is also evident in the suggestions for deepening financialisation via Futures and Option Markets. This will also permit the MNC's and IFC to dominate the domestic food industry, jeopardising the food security of the people of India.
Stiff resistance to the above Draft has begun. The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) mobilised tens of thousands of farmers in recent nationwide protests burning the Draft. Two massive Kisan Mahapanchayats in Haryana and Punjab together mobilised over 75,000 farmers.
The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) calls upon all its units to further intensify the struggle until the pro-corporate and anti-farmer NPFAM is withdrawn.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) believes that welfare schemes that provide essential public goods and services -like food, shelter, employment, pensions, education, and healthcare-are not acts of charity but are the fundamental rights of every citizen.
Every citizen has the right to access these essential requirements which are the bedrock of justice and equality. Economic rights play a crucial role in social progress and welfare programmes serve as investments in human capital, creating a more productive workforce and driving long-term economic growth.
The introduction of neoliberal policies has seen ideological and decimating attacks on the social sector since their basic premise is that governments should withdraw from these sectors and that health and educational facilities should be privatised in the interest of the corporates.
The BJP-led Modi government has intensified efforts to dismantle these programmes and reduce subsidies. Prime Minister Modi has been at the forefront of denigrating social welfare by branding such initiatives as 'revdis' (freebies), falsely claiming they harm the country's development.
This narrative dismisses the crucial role of social welfare in shielding vulnerable sections from the adverse effects of market-driven, neo-liberal policies pursued by the BJP central government.
Some of the cash transfer schemes introduced by the Modi government in place of subsidy-based schemes will eventually lead to the dilution and then dismantling of essential social security programmes, rendering the most vulnerable sections of society more helpless than ever.
This approach is a contravention of the Directive Principles of State Policy, part of the Constitution itself, which mandates that the government ensures a dignified life for all citizens, irrespective of caste, creed, or other distinctions. Unfortunately, these are not legally enforceable and there is a need to transform them into justiciable Constitutional citizens' rights.
Governments pursuing neo-liberal agendas argue that these rights cannot be guaranteed because of financial constraints. This is a spurious argument since the continuous reduction of corporate taxes combined with a refusal to collect taxes that are legally due from corporates is an important part of their fiscal policy. The BJP government has reduced these taxes in every year of its existence. A rationalised tax structure would ensure delivery of all essential services to all citizens.
The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) calls upon the people of the country to unite and mobilize for the struggle to secure these basic rights to food, shelter, employment, pension, education and healthcare while resolutely resisting the central government's attempts to undermine various existing welfare programmes.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) reiterates that the marginalised sections of society - Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) - continue to face social discrimination and exclusion. Economic exclusion and discrimination are at the core of the caste system, and an important outcome of social organisation based on castes. Restrictions and exclusion are faced by persons belonging to these castes in various economic domains including in ownership of land and property and in the ability to enter into various occupations. Exclusion in access to various services, including education, contributes to their economic exclusion in a major way.
Reservations in jobs has emerged as the most important policy instrument against widespread economic exclusion of, and discrimination against these castes and tribes. Articles 15(4), 16(4), 46 and 335 of the Constitution provide the basis for reservations of jobs for SCs, STs and OBCs. However, these provisions have been used for reservations only in government jobs.
Historically, reservations even in government jobs have been marred by poor implementation. A large number of reserved posts remain vacant. In 2023, over 10 lakh central government posts were vacant. A vast majority of these are reserved posts. A large number of reserved posts also remain vacant in public sector enterprises and in state government posts.
Under the neoliberal economic regime, there has been a sharp contraction of public sector employment that is covered by reservation policies.
In the 1990s, about 2 crore persons were employed in all government jobs (including central government, state government, quasi government and local bodies). By 2012, this had fallen to 1.7 crores. In other words, there was a reduction of about 30 lakh government jobs during that period. The fall has been even more steep since the Modi government came to power.
However, the Modi government has stopped publication of comprehensive data on government employment. But a steep fall in employment is seen in different types of government employment. Total employment in public sector banks has fallen from over 10 lakh in the mid-1990s to just 7.5 lakh in 2024. The total number of employees in Central Public Sector Enterprises has fallen by over 4.5 lakh - a fall of 35 per cent - since 2014. Since 2014, the number of employees has fallen by about 80,000 in Railways and by about 40,000 in Department of Posts, and by about 90,000 in public sector banks.
The loss of jobs has been highest in Group C and Group D where the degree of contractualisation has been the greatest. Of all the central government jobs lost between 2014-15 and 2022-23, 86 per cent were of Group C and Group D employees.
Outsourcing of work, sourcing of staff through private contractors and companies, and deployment of contractual staff has become rampant in public institutions.
Privatisation of education has meant that there has been no increase in employment of teachers in government educational institutions. As a result, the proportion of teachers from these marginalised sections has fallen sharply. In 2023-24, only 7.7 per cent of school teachers were from STs and 12.6 per cent belong to SCs. The record of private schools in employing SC/ST teachers has been very poor. Only 13 per cent of teachers in private schools were SC/ST.
Reservation policies are not extended to many areas where employment is created using public money. This includes scheme workers, government-aided private educational institutions, and employees recruited through contractors and private agencies. In the 2024 budget the central government proposed a set of employment-linked schemes which gives public money to corporates, including 500 big companies for various schemes of employment for 20 lakh interns. About Rs 1.73 lakh crore of public money is estimated to be spent on this scheme, but there is no reservation for SCs, STs or OBCs in this scheme.
Privatisation and contractualisation are at the core of neoliberal policies.
These have resulted in informalisation of employment and have eroded the reach of reservations as a tool for affirmative action against caste-based exclusion and discrimination. The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) demands that the reservation policy be extended to the entire organised private sector, and all registered institutions including private companies be required to implement reservations for SCs, STs and OBCs.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses deep concern at the BJP-led Central government's drive to privatize all public power utilities. They forcefully privatized the highly profitable, efficient and low tariff Chandigarh Power Utility in an irregular manner. Similar attacks of privatization have been unleashed on Power utilities of Uttar Pradesh, where employees are struggling for the last 130 days.
Certainly, the Central government is in real haste to privatize the state DISCOMs. A unique regional meeting on the Power sector with several States and UTs has been held on February 20, 2025, especially to frame the privatization process. The government is coming with a new draft of the Electricity Amendment Bill. But these attacks are only a fraction of the multidirectional privatization attempts of the Central government.
Already, 52 per cent of India's power generation capacity is in private hands. Additionally, government mandate to import coal at three times the domestic price is pushing the state-owned companies at risk. Nearly 80 per cent of renewable energy projects are controlled by private entities today.
The Modi government is gifting out unlimited parcels of land, introducing one after another incentive schemes, handing over critical minerals like lithium, cobalt to private players for facilitating renewable growth.
Under the National Monetization Pipeline Scheme, even renewable government projects initiated by NTPC and NHPC will be handed over to private players and one-sixth of the network of Powergrid will be slated for privatization.
This comes along with the directives for outsourcing substation management.
Having failed to pass and implement the Electricity Amendment Bill 2022, the Power Ministry devised a mechanism to make the generators and state distribution companies surrender to the virtual private market system where electricity prices will be dynamic and will be fixed by private players. In this virtual market, the tariff is frequently touching Rs 20/Unit.
And this should be seen linking with the disastrous TOTEX model prepaid smart metering project. It will finally make each and every consumer dependent on the market forces in regard to their electricity bills. Every individual consumer will have to pay Rs 8,000-12,000 per prepaid smart meter with maximum lifetime of 6-7 years. Just after the installation of smart meter, all consumers will be brought under Time of Day (ToD) tariff and price of electricity will be much higher at evening peak demand time.
Along with this, Government is trying to withdraw the cross-subsidy that was established through a long struggle in India. Without cross subsidy, irrigation costs will rise to unbearable heights. An abrupt shift to Direct Benefit Transfer will deprive the real cultivators, the landless and the tenants/sharecroppers.
Certainly, this final course of attack on India's public electricity distribution sector will lead to massive de-electrification and our food security will be jeopardized. It is also an attack on the federal structure of India.
The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) calls upon the people of our country to build resistance along with the struggling electricity employees, against these privatization attacks. It reasserts that the anti-privatisation struggle is the core of anti-private-monopoly struggle in today's India. It is our duty to act in an integrated and united manner against this privatization drives.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) strongly opposes the Draft University Grants Commission (UGC) Regulations, 2025, as they represent yet another attempt to centralize and corporatize Indian campuses.
The revised rules grant state governors increased authority in the selection of vice-chancellors. For the first time, the new draft regulations allow industry experts and public sector veterans to be considered for these positions. This marks a departure from the long-standing practice of exclusively appointing academicians and introduces corporate influence into the academic arena.
Furthermore, the draft regulations do not specify the maximum number of direct teaching hours per week for teachers, hinting at a dangerous ploy to increase workload. The draft is also silent on the reservation of teaching posts. By withdrawing its own responsibility from research and paving the way for private actors in academics, the government is pushing the education system toward a market-driven, corporate-controlled model.
The Draft UGC Regulations, 2025, fail to address the issue of discrimination in higher education institutions. Instead, they dilute and weaken existing mechanisms, particularly those aimed at eradicating discrimination against marginalized communities in higher education. The regulations remain silent on caste-based discrimination on university campuses. Additionally, some provisions create avenues for victimizing complainants. The regulations empower the UGC to remove institutions from the list of recognized universities, prohibit the granting of funds for non-compliance, and take additional punitive actions on a case-to-case basis. This will further concentrate power in the hands of the BJP-led central government, enabling it to control state universities and autonomous institutions.
The 24th Party Congress of the CPI(M) demands the enactment of the Rohith Vemula Act to combat caste discrimination in campuses, the implementation of GSCASH in all educational institutions, the passage of a law ensuring campus democracy, and the strengthening of minority and SC/ST cells in universities. The current draft regulations released by the UGC do not serve their stated purpose; rather, they function as a tool to pressure universities. The Party Congress demands that the UGC refrain from such attempts to undermine the quality and autonomy of universities and educational institutes, as well as the spirit of the Constitutional arrangement.
This 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses great concern about growing violence against women and children in the decade of BJP rule. Data from the National Crime Records Bureau's (NCRB) 'Crime in India' reports indicates that the number of reported crimes against women increased from 3.37 lakh in 2014 to 4.45 lakh in 2022, marking an increase of over 30 per cent. This increase in the number of crimes is, unfortunately, accompanied with increased brutality.
It is to be noted that violence against dalit women and children has also increased in this period. Statistics from the NCRB reveal a surge of 45 per cent in reported cases of rapes against Dalit women from 2015 to 2020. The situation worsened when incidents of such violence doubled between 2020 (7,397 incidents) and 2021 (15,855 incidents). Very disturbingly, incidents of rape of Dalit minor girls increased by 21.8% in 2021 (1,285 incidents) over 2020 (1,055 incidents). The NCRB reported in 2021 that, while more than 10 Dalit women and minor girls were raped every day, there were convictions in only 24 per cent of the cases.
According to the NCRB report of 2021, BJP-ruled states were the worst offenders: Uttar Pradesh (1,554 cases) reported the highest number of the cases, followed by Rajasthan (1,274 cases), Madhya Pradesh (1,222 cases), Maharashtra (862), and then Haryana (543).
Crimes against women also include trafficking and sex-selected abortions.
Years after the PCPNDT Act was passed and despite Government propaganda to the contrary, the Indian sex ratio for 2024 is 943 females for every 1000 males, which indicates that the basic right to life is being denied to lakhs of females every year.
Trafficking of Indian women has shown a spurt. Nearly 20,000 women and children were victims of human trafficking in India in 2016, a rise of nearly 25 per cent from the previous year (GOI data). In January 2025, India's Home Ministry informed Parliament that as many as 10,659 cases of trafficking were reported between 2018 and 2022 and that only about one-tenth of the suspects in these cases have been convicted. The discrepancy in the numbers of those trafficked is due to faulty registration of cases. A UN report says that one of 6 trafficked women in the world are Indian. The enormity of the problem and the complete inadequacy of the Government's response are shocking.
Crime and atrocities against `working women' at the working places are equally concerning. Amongst many such, the recent cases of R G Kar Medical College Hospital and Ankita case at a resort in Rishikesh are glaring ones.
Even in entertainment industry such cases are common, which is seen by Hema Committee Report.
The presence of a Government committed to a Manuvadi right-wing ideology has certainly contributed to this spike in atrocities against women. The Sangh Parivar, to which the BJP belongs, promotes patriarchal views and policies and, therefore, it is not a coincidence that perpetrators of violence against women, including rapists and murderers, receive their unstinting support and protection. This has been seen time and again in the Bilkis Bano case, the Hathras rape case, the Brij Bhushan Saran Singh case, the BHU gang-rape case, the Ram Rahim case and, most horrifically, in the Prajwal Revanna case. Even more disturbing is the fact that various kinds of domestic violence, including marital rape, are supported by them as being essential to preserve the holy institution of matrimony.
The BJP governments at the Centre and in some of the states are deliberately undermining or withdrawing whatever legal and administrative infrastructures that were available for the protection and rehabilitation of victims of violence. Thus their right to obtain justice is being taken away from them.
The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) demands:
1) Effective prosecution of all cases of violence against women and punishment of all those guilty of dereliction of duty.
2) Serious efforts must be made to ensure legal aid to the survivor or family of the victim. We must demand that their security and other needs are addressed by the Government and we must also come forward to help them in every way.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses serious concern about drug addiction among youngsters worldwide, including India. This pressing issue necessitates immediate attention, collective action, and concrete solutions. Drug addiction affects not only health but also education, employment, and social stability, undermining the potential of young people to contribute to national development.
The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) World Drugs Report highlights the rising prevalence of substance use disorders among adolescents and young adults, driven by social alienation, peer pressure, and easy access to illicit substances. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that approximately 270 million people worldwide, aged 15-64, used illicit drugs in 2020. Youth remain the most vulnerable in demographic terms.
India, with its vast youth population, faces a serious drug addiction crisis. Reports from the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment and the National Drug Dependence Treatment Centre (NDDTC) indicate alarming trends in the consumption of opioids, cannabis, and synthetic drugs. Nearly 3.1 lakh individuals in India struggle with drug addiction. The 2019 National Survey on Extent and Pattern of Substance Use in India found that 14.6 per cent of individuals aged 10-19 years used psychoactive substances.
Concerns and Recommendations: There is an urgent need for comprehensive strategies encompassing prevention, treatment, rehabilitation, and law enforcement. This Party Congress recommends the following:
Strengthening Prevention and Awareness Programmes: Implement awareness campaigns in schools, colleges, and communities to educate youngsters about drug abuse risks.
Enhancing Treatment and Rehabilitation Facilities: Increase access to quality treatment centres, incorporating evidence-based interventions and counselling.
Enforcing Stringent Laws and Regulations: Strengthen enforcementmechanisms to curb the illicit drug trade and ensure effective implementation of the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act, 1985.
Promoting Community-Based Initiatives: Engage parents, teachers, and local leaders to create a supportive environment and provide positive alternatives.
Increasing Funding and Resource Allocation: Allocate sufficient fundsto support anti-drug initiatives, treatment centres, and research programmes.
The 24th Congress of the CPI(M) urges the Government of India to take immediate and sustained action against drug addiction among youngsters. A comprehensive National Action Plan is needed to combat drug abuse effectively. It is only collective action, commitment, and cooperation among governments, civil society, and individuals that can help mitigate the menace of drug addiction among youngsters.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) stands in solidarity with the LGBTQI community in the fight for their rights.
The LGBTQI community, especially transgender individuals, remains one of the most vulnerable populations worldwide. With the rise of right-wing politics globally, the lives of LGBTQI persons have become even more difficult. In some countries, governments have actively sought to erase their identities or restrict their rights.
The Modi government's overall approach to LGBTQI+ issues, apart from being regressive, has been marked by tokenism and inconsistency. Pandering to right-wing sentiments, it has refused to amend discriminatory laws that deny LGBTQI+ individuals many essential rights. Despite the decriminalization LGBTQI+ of same-sex relations in 2018, significant legal and social challenges persist.
Same-sex couples are not legally recognized and are excluded from civil unions. They have no legal protections related to property, insurance, custody, or adoption.
The 2014 National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) verdict recognised transgender persons' right to self-identify and mandated horizontal reservations in jobs and education. The Modi government has refused to amend the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act 2020, to provide for reservation in education and employment, which could have addressed the systemic barriers to an extent.
Societal and bureaucratic barriers deny transgender individuals access to treatment under the "Ayushman Bharat" scheme. This is compounded by stigma and the lack of awareness about their unique needs.
Garima Grehs were set up for transgender individuals rejected by families and communities. Managed by NGOs they have been facing problems due to inexplicable delays in funding. Combined with the fact that only 18 of these shelter homes have been set up in the entire country and they house a mere 414 individuals, lays bare the callous approach of the Modi government in addressing their issues. The 2011 census estimates their population to be around five lakhs.
In addition to legal and social challenges, the LGBTQI community is also frequently excluded from the mainstream educational system, employment opportunities, and healthcare. This exclusion exacerbates their marginalization.
In the light of the above, the 24th Congress of the CPI(M) demands:
Amendment of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act 2020 in consonance with the NALSA judgement and addressing other concerns.
Removing barriers in accessing health services by the LGBTQI community.
Set up adequate number of shelter homes for transgender individuals and substantially enhance budgetary allocations for them.
Legislation to formally recognise same sex unions and provide them adequate protections.
Adoption of gender-neutral policies across sectors.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses its deep indignation at the continued neglect and deprivation that India's disabled population faces.
The National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) estimates that more than 50 per cent of India's disabled population lives below the poverty line. Pitiable living conditions are a major contributor to disability. Additional costs towards assistive devices, healthcare, caregiving, transportation etc.
accentuates their already miserable conditions. Disabled people countenance discrimination, economic deprivation and social marginalization.
The neo-liberal policies pursued aggressively under the Modi government have further accentuated their already miserable living conditions.
Privatisation, outsourcing and contractualisation dilute the four per cent reservation in government jobs.
Livelihood challenges faced by people with disabilities in India are aggravated by inadequate support systems, inaccessible public infrastructure and workplaces. This is compounded with systemic neglect and discrimination which further deprives them of sustainable livelihood opportunities.
Unemployment among the disabled is as high as 65 per cent as per the 2011 census. Placement of those registered with the special employment exchanges is as low as 0.9 per cent. Though there is no authentic data available, available data suggests that the employment rate in the private sector is an abysmal 0.58 per cent. Cuts in allocations for programmes like MNREGA have further worsened an already grim scenario.
Large sections of the disabled population are compelled to be dependent on social security pensions. Despite all the rhetoric of Sab ka Saath, Sab ka Vikas, the Modi government has refused to enhance allocations for the Indira Gandhi National Disability Pension Scheme (IGNDPS). Even the recommendation of the Standing Committee to substantially increase it has been ignored.
Budgetary allocations have remained stagnant for a long time with no upward revision in the miserly amount of Rs 300 per month since 2012.
Notwithstanding the provision in the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 (RPDA) that a person with a disability of 40 per cent or more is eligible for various entitlements, for availing IGNDPS one has to have a disability of at least 80 per cent. Additional conditions like BPL category and the 18-29 age bracket ensures that more than 96 per cent of the disabled population identified by the 2011 census remains excluded from this scheme.
Financial constraints imposed by the Centre's policies also hinder state governments from discharging their responsibilities.
While designing social security schemes, the additional costs that disability entail are not factored in. The RPDA mandate that the quantum of assistance given to disabled persons be 25 per cent higher as compared to others in similar schemes stands violated.
For ensuring a dignified life for India's disabled population, the 24th Congress of the CPI(M) demands:
Extend reservations in jobs to the private sector. Extend four percent job reservation to temporary, casual and contractual employment.
Enact a "Right to Pension Act" with guaranteed provision for annual increment to account for inflation.
Remove the exclusionary criteria in the IGNDPS.
Enhance the Central share of pension to Rs 5,000 per month.
Provide AAY cards to all disabled.
Provide caregiver allowance.
The 24th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemns the deep-sea mining policy of the Government of India for endangering the livelihood of millions of fisher folk, privatizing the natural resources to corporate interests, destabilizing the delicate marine eco system, and abridging the interests of the state governments.
The Offshore Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act of 2002, as amended in 2023 opens deep-sea mining and exploration to the plunder of private corporates. Before the recent amendment offshore mining required joint inspections by the GSI, the Indian Bureau of Mines, and the Atomic Minerals Directorate. However, the amended Act allows private companies to participate in exploration as well, raising concerns about potential unchecked exploitation and a lack of transparency.
The royalties from mining mineral resources are entirely assigned to the central government. Deep-sea mining may also threaten the viability of the public sector rare minerals units in Kerala that are dependent upon the mineral sands washed up on the shores.
Environmentalists point out that offshore mining creates sediment plumes and releases toxic wastewater containing heavy metals, posing long-term risks to marine life, and ecosystems reliant on marine resources. It may destabilize eco systems, weaken natural defenses against <https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/20-years-of-indian-ocean-tsunami-2004> tsunamis, <https://www.drishtiias.com/to-the-points/paper1/cyclone-19> cyclones, <https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/india-s-soil-erosion-crisis> erosion, and disrupt sediment dynamics, threateningrosion-crisis> aquatic habitats. Disturbing seafloor eco systems could release stored carbon, accelerating <https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/economic-ripples-of-climate-change> climate change by increasing atmospheric CO2ples-of-climate-change> levels contributing to <https://www.drishtiias.com/sambhav-daily-answer-writing-practice/papers/sambhav-2024/the-causes-and-consequences-of-global-warming-on-india> global warming.
The depletion of fisheries resources is a major livelihood challenge to Indian fishers and deep-sea mining will definitely aggravate the problem.
For example, the sand blocks included for mining in the first phase of deep-sea mining happen to be on Kollam Banks, one of the richest fisheries resource belts in the Indian seas. All fisher folk irrespective of the political divide have come out against the proposal. The Kerala legislature has passed a unanimous resolution against the sea sand mining programme.
This action is a disaster waiting to unfold, and the 24th Congress of the CPI(M) demands that the central government abandon this initiative immediately.
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